Sunday, March 6, 2011

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"When public school is strong and sure thing, then, but only then, the private school is not dangerous. Then, but only then, the private school can be an asset. It can be a good thing that private forces, educational initiatives of classes, religious groups, political groups, philosophies, cultural trends of, cooperate with the state to expand, to stimulate, and renew attempts with a variety of culture. In family law, enshrined in another article of the Constitution, in Article 30, to instruct and educate their children, this opportunity is to be given to families to make their children attend schools of their choice and then to allow the establishment of schools that best correspond with certain guarantees that we will now see the political preferences, religious, culturali di quella famiglia. Ma rendiamoci ben conto che mentre la scuola pubblica è espressione di unità, di coesione, di uguaglianza civica, la scuola privata è espressione di varietà, che può voler dire eterogeneità di correnti decentratrici, che lo Stato deve impedire che divengano correnti disgregatrici. La scuola privata, in altre parole, non è creata per questo.La scuola della Repubblica, la scuola dello Stato, non è la scuola di una filosofia, di una religione, di un partito, di una setta. Quindi, perché le scuole private sorgendo possano essere un bene e non un pericolo, occorre:
- che lo Stato le sorvegli e le controlli e che sia neutrale, imparziale tra esse. Che non favorisca un gruppo di scuole private to the detriment of others.
- that private schools correspond to certain minimum level of seriousness of organization.

Only in this way and other more precise, that are soon to tell, you can have the advantage of co-existence of public schools with private school. The race is between private and state schools. They establish a competition between public schools and private schools, so that the State arising from these private schools, and that eventually may lead to ideas and achievements so far in the public schools did not exist, feel encouraged to do better, to make, whether I am allowed the expression, "more optimistic" their schools. Stimulus, therefore, must be the private school to the state, not because of abdication. There are also Party schools or church schools. But the state must monitor the needs regular to be taken to their limits and must be able to do better than them. The school in the state, then, must be a guarantee, because you do not slip into what would be the end of the school and perhaps the end of democracy and freedom, that is, the school party. How do you set up in a country with a party school? It can be done in two ways. One is that of totalitarianism open, said. We have experienced, unfortunately. I think everyone here you remember, though many people do you remember most. We experimented under Fascism. All schools become schools of the State: private school is no longer permitted, but the State becomes a party and then all schools are state schools, but schools are for this party. But there is another form to convert the school to get state party school or sect. Totalitarianism subtle, indirect, torpid, sluggish like some pneumonias that are without fever, but are dangerous.

Let us assume, so theoretically, there is a ruling party, a ruling party, which, however, formally wants to respect the constitution, not want to violate the substance. It does not make the march Rome and transform the classroom space for the paddles, but wants to establish, without opinion, a disguised dictatorship. So, what to do to gain control of schools and to transform the State schools into Party schools? He realizes that the State schools have the defect of being impartial. There is some resistance, in those schools is always there, even under fascism has been there. Then, the dominant party follows another path (it's all a theoretical hypothesis, mind you). He begins to neglect the public schools, to discredit, to impoverish. Let it anemizzino and begins to favor private schools. Not all schools private. The schools of his party, that party. And then all these treatments are beginning to go to private schools. Cure of money and privileges. He even begins to advise the boys to go to these schools, because basically it says are better than those of the state. And maybe give themselves awards, as now I will tell you, or proposes to give awards to citizens who are willing to send their children to public schools rather than private schools. A "those" private schools. The exams are easier, unless you study and you do best. So the private school becomes a privileged school. The ruling party, could not transform the State schools openly in Party schools, sends ruin the State schools to give the head its private schools. Beware, my friends, this conference this is the point that we must discuss. Warning, this is the recipe. We must keep an eye on the cooks of this low kitchen. The operation is done in three ways: I have already said
- ruin the State schools. Let go to hell. Depleting their budgets. Ignore their needs.
- the mitigation monitoring and control over private schools. Do not check its reliability. Let the teachers teach you that do not have the minimum qualifications to teach. Let the examinations are jokes.
- to give public money to private schools. This is the point. Dare alle scuole private denaro pubblico!
Quest’ultimo è il metodo più pericoloso. » la fase più pericolosa di tutta l’operazione […]. Questo dunque è il punto, è il punto più pericoloso del metodo. Denaro di tutti i cittadini, di tutti i contribuenti, di tutti i credenti nelle diverse religioni, di tutti gli appartenenti ai diversi partiti, che invece viene destinato ad alimentare le scuole di una sola religione, di una sola setta, di un solo partito […].

Per prevedere questo pericolo, non ci voleva molta furberia. Durante la Costituente, a prevenirlo nell’art. 33 della Costituzione fu messa questa disposizione: “Enti e privati hanno diritto di istituire scuole ed istituti di educazione senza onere per lo Stato”. Come sapete questa formula nacque da un compromesso; e come tutte le formule nate da compromessi, offre il destro, oggi, ad interpretazioni sofistiche […]. Ma poi c’è un’altra questione che è venuta fuori, che dovrebbe permettere di raggirare la legge. Si tratta di ciò che noi giuristi chiamiamo la “frode alla legge”, che è quel quid che i clienti chiedono ai causidici di pochi scrupoli, ai quali il cliente si rivolge per sapere come può violare la legge figurando di osservarla […]. E venuta cos” fuori l’idea dell’assegno familiare, dell’assegno familiare scolastico.

Il ministro dell’Istruzione al Congresso Internazionale degli Istituti Familiari, disse: la scuola privata deve servire a “stimolare” al massimo le spese non statali per l’insegnamento, ma non bisogna escludere che anche lo Stato dia sussidi alle scuole private. Però aggiunse: pensate, se un padre vuol mandare il suo figliolo alla scuola privata, bisogna che paghi tasse. E questo padre è un cittadino che ha già pagato come contribuente la sua tassa per partecipare alla spesa che lo Stato eroga per le public schools. So this poor father has to pay twice the fee. Then this worthy citizen who wants to send her son to private school, to lift this double burden, it is given a family allowance. Who wants to send her son to private school, then turns to the state and has a grant, a check [...]. The
send his son to private school is a right, so says the Constitution, but is a right to have it pay? "A right one, if you want, not exercise, but at their own expense. The citizen who wants to send her son to private school, if you pay, if not send him to public school.

To take a comparison, in the field of Justice could make a speech like that. You know how to get justice courts are public, however, citizens have the right to decide their dispute even by the officials. But arbitration is expensive and often costs hundreds of thousands of dollars. Yet it has never occurred to a citizen, who prefers public arbitration courts, to apply to the State to ask for a subsidy in order to pay for the referees! [...]. So this game of family allowances would, if adopted, a kind of incentive paid to boycott the schools of the state and therefore an indirect way of encouraging some schools, a reward for those who send their children to private schools where certain manufacturing is not the citizens and even those who believe in a certain religion, something that can be respectable, but are manufactured in the voters of a certain party. "

Piero Calamandrei , 1950

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